Gearing up for the autumn sitting of the Quebec National Assembly, the three main provincial parties, like rival carmakers, are offering voters shiny new policies.
François Legault, whose Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) has the power to support or bring down the minority Parti Québécois (PQ) government, toured the province touting his CAQ as the real party of economic development. With the departure of Raymond Bachand, formerly the Liberal finance minister, Legault says, the official Opposition Liberals no longer have an economic team.
To refute that claim, Philippe Couillard, formerly the Liberal health minister, who soundly defeated Bachand and another candidate to succeed Jean Charest as Liberal leader, gathered his “economic team” and offered a five-point plan to restart Quebec’s economy.
But, according to a report from Desjardins Group, Quebec’s economy has “broken down”: the service sector grew by 2.2% in the first five months of 2013, for example, but manufacturing tanked, down by 4%.
Couillard proposes a payroll-tax holiday for manufacturers that are hiring new employees and a $3,000 tax credit for “green” renovations to stimulate the economy and augment energy efficiency.
But the ruling PQ appear to be taking a different course. While Premier Pauline Marois says her government will turn its attention to the economy, the party has used the weeks leading up to the new sitting to highlight its Charter of Quebec Values. All three Opposition parties in the assembly, including the left-leaning Québec solidaire, have questioned why Marois would propose a measure guaranteed to reopen old wounds and divide Quebec society.
The PQ’s new charter would ban the wearing of non-Christian signs by public employees offering services – nurses, teachers, office workers, daycare educators – while maintaining the Christian crucifix in the assembly and elsewhere. The crucifix is protected, reflecting Quebec’s historically Catholic heritage.
Marois dismisses criticism that the new charter would drive a wedge between religious believers and mainstream Quebec society, saying it would unite Quebecers instead – just as Bill 101, the charter of the French language, did.
However, not everyone agrees with her characterization of that bill’s effect. Bill 101, adopted 36 years ago, was favoured by French speakers, who felt their language was endangered. And newcomers, whose children were streamed into French schools, accepted Bill 101. But English speakers, who saw themselves cast as villains, were not fans of Bill 101.
The PQ also has presented Bill 14 to reinforce and update Bill 101. Marois argues that Montreal is in danger of becoming an English city. But the Liberals have rejected the PQ’s new language law. And Legault’s CAQ say they will support it only with major changes.
Indeed, Bill 14 has proven to be a lemon, known as Citron I. Contrary to PQ expectations, the bill has revived anglophone militancy while leaving francophones largely indifferent. Marois, rather than learning from her mistake, now is proposing Citron II: the Charter of Quebec Values.
Marois won power a year ago on language and identity issues but did not win a majority. So, why would voters give her a majority next time on the same contentious issues?IE
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